By: Derk Jan Eppink, Honorary Distinguished Fellow
The policy of Iran is bringing Sunni countries together with Israel. KSA has relations though not a diplomatic status, as far as I know. The developments with UAE, followed by Oman and Bahrein broaden the network. Qatar will be more reflectant, given its Shia majority, if I am right.
The policy of Iran is bringing Sunni countries together with Israel. KSA has relations though not a diplomatic status, as far as I know. The developments with UAE, followed by Oman and Bahrein broaden the network. Qatar will be more reflectant, given its Shia majority, if I am right.
European countries and the EU had to admit that the 'normalization of relations' between Israel and the UAE is a good step forward, which they probably had not expected to be achieved by the current US administration. The EU High Commissioner for Foreign Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles, 'welcomed' the move but added that plans to annex the West Bank should be completely abandoned immediately.
The EU is not in the driving seat as far as the Middle-East is concerned. It always regarded itself as the caretaker of the Iran nuclear deal, once the US government decided to leave it. During the Obama administration the EU had been given a disproportionate part of the praise allowing the US government to remain less visible for the political forces in US Congress, in particular the Senate. Obama had to maneuver carefully because there was no majority in the Senate for ratification in terms of a treaty. So, it became a 'deal'.
The EU felt it owned the deal, hammered out by the US, and that it made the EU 'relevant' in world politics. The EU negotiating at the table made it a 'reality' on the ground. For the first time since the introduction of a Common Foreign and Security Policy ten years ago the EU could point at an achievement. For the EU the deal was all about the EU, not about the content of the deal.
After the US left the Iran deal, the EU was on its own. Strongest supporters of the deal were Germany and France. Most lukewarm were countries in Central and Eastern Europe like Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. They tended to support the US. In particular Germany pretends the Iran nuclear agreement is still in place and the German Greens, an upcoming force in German politics, are the strongest supporters of the ayatollah regime in Iran.
Simultaneously, the EU is a strong critic of Israeli policies in the Gaza and the West Bank. Again, there is a rift within the EU between East and West. Some East European countries supported the relocation of the US embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. France and Germany predicted 'violent demonstrations', but little happened. Also, BDS is strongly rooted as a movement in several West- and North European countries, though not state policy. The EU tries to target products from the West Bank with customs formalities.
But generally, the EU is running after the facts and taken by surprise. Borrell speaks about 'normalization' between Israel and UAE, avoiding the term 'full diplomatic relations'. Bahrain and Oman are likely to follow. Egypt and Jordan already have normal diplomatic relations with Israel for many years. Saudi-Arabia maintains relations with Israel through the backdoor. Arab countries come closer to Israel, while the EU shifts further away, with the wrong focus.
For the EU the Palestinian issue is the heart of the problem in the Middle-East. For Arab countries Iran is the problem. Iran is the troublemaker and Palestinians have a knack to end up at the wrong side of history. The US has understood that; the EU hasn't. The US focuses on solving the Palestinian issue within common ground on policies towards Iran. The EU befriends Iran hoping it will help the Palestinians in some way. But it won't. Therefore, EU policy is misguided; and the current US government has shown to understand the heart of the problem much better, using the right focus.
